In an earlier post I discussed Cameron’s speech on a Christian Britain. Now Eric Pickles and Baroness Warsi have made similar noises. Pickles said that under labour ‘Political correctness replaced common sense, people were left afraid to express legitimate concerns and frustrations.’ ‘We must be unafraid to insist on the common ground and common values that we all share.’
What’s good about this is the idea of mutual criticism, dialogue and interaction. What’s bad is assuming that the common ground and common values that do exist should be based on Christianity. This conflates the holding of the same view with the deriving of the same view in different ways. Rawls’ hope was that different individuals and groups could sign up to the same values but justify them from their own point of view. Greater dialogue and mutual criticism may generate that. For instance, many, though not all, religious people would support human rights by reference to their religious beliefs. As a result of Britain’s history, its values were derived largely from Christianity but in contemporary society how, if at all, would people justify their beliefs in values that are widespread, such as fairness, honesty, the right to a fair trial? Probably not from Christianity. Thus, to suggest that a return to Christianity will ground or secure a common set of values is a mistake because it fails to appreciate the extent of secularism.
To be fair to Pickles, having a high incidence of religion in a culture does not necessarily produce intolerance or oppression, though it certainly can. The Queen’s remarks that the Church of England is supposed to ensure religious freedom for all religions is an example of religious support for religious freedom (insofar as Anglican see their institution that way, which many do). A state government that understood itself to be religious could also legislate religious freedom as part of its belief-driven policy. It is increasingly recognized, of course, that religion and politics (and morality) are impossible to separate completely. Yet they are significantly separate in Britain, and whilst it is a good idea to seek to increase religious and moral considerations within politics, it is wrong to impose religion or to be blinded to the minority position that religion is in Britain.
Pickles wants to allow prayers at the beginning of council meetings, which is a point in favour of religious freedom but it seems a confused application of his principles: how does re-instating prayer at council meetings help? That is the least bit of common ground you could find in a largely secular country. I suspect Pickles’ confusion arises from the way in which the government and the judiciary seem to regard religion as primarily about beliefs. It isn’t. It is primarily a set of practices and a belonging to a religious community. Religious beliefs, like philosophical beliefs, are difficult to understand and make coherent, and most religious believers don’t have the time or energy (or ability in some cases) to hold to anything more than a relatively straightforward account of some beliefs. Many religious believers have at least this conceptual advantage over (often more educated) government ministers and judges: they know that in religion practice matters more than belief. Whilst beliefs and values, especially moral ones, may be shared quite widely, practices tend not to be. Atheists and Muslims can agree on the value of generosity, but not on praying five times a day. Christians and Buddhists may even agree on the importance of meditation, but they will do it in quite different ways. And so on.
Now onto Warsi’s speech. Warsi wants to promote social harmony and ensure faith has a ‘proper space in the public sphere’. Fine. Her method for achieving this is doubtful however: ‘People need to feel stronger in their religious identities, more confident in their beliefs. In practice this means individuals not diluting their faith and nations not denying their religious heritage. If you take this thought to its conclusion then the idea you’re left with is this: Europe needs to become more confident in its Christianity.’
As long as the majority faith and culture still make ‘equality and space for minority faiths and cultures’ then justice is being done in that respect. Secularism can do this, and so can many forms of religion. Equally, some forms of secularism and some forms of religion can suppress minority rights. At the risk of sounding parochial or nationalistic, the current British settlement strikes me as preferable to France’s more aggressive secularism or the near conflation of religious and national identity prevalent in America. We should be able to have our identities, but also recognize that we have multiple identities. Warsi seems to appreciate the first point but not the second. In France, national identity overpowers religious identity (from a policy viewpoint). In America, religious and civic identities are conflated or get along too easily. Rather, what is needed, as Andrew Shanks has suggested, is more of a dialectical relation between identities, not just religious and national but also gender, racial, class, membership in charities or parties, etc. This is not a dialectic that reaches a synthesis, but a dialectic that recognizes that our efforts will never be perfect, but keeps trying to improve or change as necessary. Warsi is right that confidence in identity can help fuel tolerance, but it can also fuel intolerance as the 19th century American-Christian imperialist-missionary approach shows. We need not just confidence in identity but a way of being able to doubt it and question it, too. Again, that is what Shanks suggests.
Warsi doesn’t want religious discrimination against the ‘majority religious heritage’. Not wanting discrimination against the majority religion is fine – no faith should be discriminated against. And in some cases opting for current values or practices rather than accepting the values or practices of another religion or culture is also legitimate, for instance, refusing to accept forced marriage or honour killings, or allowing abortions. In order to do that, however, we need some justification for why we prefer our cultural values and practices, and for the vast majority of people in Britain that will not be based on Christianity but on secular arguments, even if the values in question have initially come from Christianity (though they may not have). For example, autonomy and the value of the individual are arguably nascent within Christianity, but it took the 18th century revolutions and the Enlightenment to enable Christians to see that. So does valuing autonomy come from Christianity or the secularising Enlightenment?
I agree that we shouldn’t cover up our religious history but I’m not convinced by her claim that ‘what drives us, what binds us and what inspires us is a history we are in danger of denying’. I don’t think most contemporary people are driven or inspired by the history of Christianity. Also I’m not convinced that secularism is as bad as she makes out: it’s telling that she didn’t give examples of this so-called ‘militant secularism’. But it is true that religions don’t understand themselves as private assent to a list of propositions; she does better than Pickles on that point.
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